
W9(p 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



009 942 557 A 



I 






'objects of the war AM) llOW IT SIIOCLI) BK 

CONDKTi:!). ^ ^^^ 



S V KLCll 



or 



iio.Y. iiEN'DiucK D. WR[(;uT, OF ri:.\N., 

Delivorod in tho IIouso of Reprosontatives, January 20, 1862. 



2 
U96 
Copy 2 



Mr. WRIGHT said: 

I propose, Mr. ChHirman, to make a f«'w re- 
marks upon the uhjicts of the wur, and wliul I 
conceive to be the juHt and proper method of 
carrying it on. And it is aUo my purpose, if 1 
can, to take that middle, conservative coiirie, 
avoiding anijry extremes, upon which we must 
rely in our erfort.s not only to 8:ivo the Consti- 
tution, but to save the Union itself. \ do not 
rise, sir, for the purpose of indulginj^ in any 
angry retiections towards any gentleman upon 
this floor. This is not the time,jior the occa- 
siou, for an indulgence of this kind. 

I came here elected upon conservative prin- 
ciples; and I say to you, and I assure this 
House, that I have not cast a solitary vote, 
since I have been a member upon this lloor, 
but what has accorded with my own convic- 
tions of what was right and proper to be done. 
I claim to be the n-presentative of mv whole 
district. I was returned to this House by both 
political parties in my district. Both political 
parties agreed upon a common |)latl'orm, and 
upon that platform I came here as their Rep- 
resentative; and therefore, if there be an in 
dividual member of this House who stands — if 
I may use the expression — above politics, who 
stands in a position to be solely governed by 
just and proper influences at all times, it is 
myself. 

I was elected as a Union man, and as a Union 
man, I am ready to stand or fall. There are 
no party shackles upon my hands that shall 
divert me from that true and consistent course 
that I deem to be expedient and proper upon 
this most momentous occasion. 

I tried in vain the other day to obtain the 
6oor after the gentleman from Ohio (.Mr. BiS(i 
uamJ had concluded what I conceived to be — 
and he will pardon me for using the expres 
sion — a speech in which he used language and 
uttered sentiments inconsistent with his po- 
sition as a distinguished man, and a member 
of the American Congress. If the doctrine 
which the gentleman from Ohio the other day 
proposed be carried out, which was the un- 



conditional emancipation of four millionc of 
(tlav^s, 1 appeal to him in his momeiitJi of re- 
flection, and when calmneHs and candor shall 
lake po.'fsesHioii of his mind, whether be ha« 
power to estimate the consequences that would 
follow a step of that ki d. The very idea of 
carrying ou*. a principle of that nature strikes 
a bl.jw at the foundation of your Government, 
and overturns that vital source which gives life 
to it — 1 mean our Constitution. 

1 am not, sir, an advocate of slavery ; but I 
am one of those who are willing to take the 
Constitution as our fathers gave it to us. I am 
willing to be governed by those landmarks 
which they established and sealed with their 
blood. I am willing to be confined within 
those limits which the Constitution |irebcnljes; 
but I am not one of those who are prepared to 
dubstitute any of those theories which have 
been proposed here, and which go beyond the 
limits of the Constitution, and in violation of 
its spirit and letter. 

I am also in favor of maintaining this war — 
tor we must now call it war — upon the sole is- 
sue upon which it was inaugurated. 1 am will- 
ing to stand by the principle which gave the 
war existence; and any member of this body 
who would change the principle which inaugu- 
rated the policy of the war, according to my 
humble conception, is not following that rule 
\)f propriety which conscience, reason, and 
judgment dictate. 

\V hat was the policy of the war? I refer you, 
tl/efer the committee, to that proclamation of 
the President of the United States issued oa 
the 15th day of April la;)t, calling out seventy- 
five thousand men, in response to which six 
hundred thousand men are to-day marshaled 
in the field. And 1 want gentlemen on the 
other iide to bear with me while I refer to A 
paragraph from that proclamation, which went 
out from the White House on that day. I want 
the attention of gentlemen calling themselves 
Republicans upon this floor, becau.-<e it was 
enunciated as a part of their policy, because it 
has been carried out by the man whom they 



\ 



I 



placed in power. I want them to adhere to that 
policy; lor it is to them I am talkin^^ to-day. 
I now ask the Clerk to read from that procla- 
mation the paragraph I have indicated. 
The Clerk read, as follows : 

" Now, tluTpfore, I, Abi^auam Ltncolx, I'rosiilent of the 
Vuiled :jt;iu.'S, iu virtue of iho power in me vesleil by iLio 
Chustitution and the laws, have thought 111 to call forth, and 
hereby do call forth, the militia of tlio several Si-tatos of the 
I'niou, to the aggrei^alo number of seventy-live thousand, 
in order to suppress said combinations, and to cause the 
laws to be auly executed 

" The details lor this object will be immediately commu- 
liicalcd to the t^tale authorities through tho War JJepart- 
meut. 

" I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, faeilitiite, and aid 
this clfort to nuiuitaui ihe honor, tho integrity, and the ex- 
istence of our uutional Uuioa, and tho perpetuity of popu- 
lar povernmeni.and to redress wrongs already long enough 
endured. 

" I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to 
the forces hereby called forth will probably be to repossess 
tho forts, places, and iu-oi>erty which have been seized from 
the Union; and in every event the ulm<ist care will bo ob- 
served, consistently wilU the objects aforesaid, to avoid any 
devastation, any destruction of or intitrft:rence ivUh property, 
or auy disturbance of peaceful citizens iu any pari I'f the 
country." 

Mr. WRIGHT. There, Mr. Chairman, is the 
first summons that went out from the Ameri- 
can Government iu regard to the objects and 
design of this war when the first demand i'or 
troops was made. I wish Republican gentle- 
men of this House to tell me what the Pre.-3i- 
dent means by this language: 

" In every event, the utmost care will be observed, con- 
sistently with the objects aforesaid, to avoid auy devasta- 
tion, any destruction of or interference with properly, or any 
disturbance of peaceful citizens in any parlof thecountry.'' 

What did the President mean by alleging, 
when he called a military force into the field, 
that there should be no interference whatever 
with property of any kind? Sir, if he meant 
anything, he meant that this question of sla- 
very agitation should be let alone; or, in his 



this subject which I want to present to the 
House. After I get through, the gentleman 
may ask me as many questions as he likes to; 
for I do not intend to occupy an hour. 

Mr. Chairman, the next thing that was dono 
in the process of time, defining the object of 
the war, was the adoption of the resolutions 
offered in this House by the gentleman from 
Kentucky, [Mr. Ckittknden,] upon the 4th 
of July last. When Congress assembled in 
these halls there had not, up to that period 
of time, been any disposition on the part of 
any man to change the i.*sne upon which this 
war had been inaugurated ; but, sir, upon the 
22d day of July, in the House of Representa- 
tives, and with only two dissenting voices, 
there were passed certain resolutions submitted 
by the distinguished gentleman from Kentucky, 
[Mr. Ckittendex ;] and what was the character 
and nature of those resolutions ? They received 
an almost unanimous vote of this House of 
Representatives. Those resolutions declared 
that this war is not waged upon our part in 
any spirit of oppression or purpose to overthrow 
or interfere with the rights or establi.'shed insti- 
tutions of the" Southern States, but to defend 
and maintain the supremacy of the Constitu- 
tion, and to preserve the Union, with all the 
dignity, equality, and rights of the several 
States unimpaired; and that, as soon as these 
objects are accomplished, the war ought to 
cease. There was the platform upon which 
the members of this House sustained this war. 
It was not to be a war of conquest. It was not 
to be a war of subjugation. No; it was to be 
a v^ar to put down tbis rebellion and to sup- 
press this insurrection. 

In reply to a gentleman near me, I will say 
that neiiher the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. 



own language, that there should be no inter- ! Bixgham] nor the gentleman from Penn 



ference with property. If you adopt the doc 
trines advanced by the gentleman from Ohio 
[Mr. Bingham] in his place a few days since, 



vania [Mr. Stevens] voted on those resolu- 
tions. 

They were resolutions declaring that the 



and declare that four millions of slaves shall "object of the war was to put down rebellion, 



be manumitted and set free, you do interfere 
with the rights of property, and you do oppose 
the Executive proclamation. A gentleman the 
other day — I do not remember who it was — 
made use of this remarkable expression — that 
the President " meant well." I say to the gen- 
tleman who uttered that sentiment, that the 



while at the same time the rights of property 
should be respected. So this House almost 
unanimously resolved upon the day after the 
.disaster upon the plains of Manassas. There 
fi'3 not a gentleman here who does not have a 
fre.sh and vivid recollection of the day after 
that disastrous battle. We met here upon the 



Presidentof the United States not only "meant I 22d of July in this House, and the general 

•»t^ll"VMif til Of ViQQ/if£»fl TTToll T4^i..^rtf,.^«.«ll»r-_lr , _r^.i. ,i " «i* 



well," but that be acted well. He acted well 
when he declared to the American people, be- 
fore bringing out this vast army, that its object 
was to put down rebellion, and to let the qiies- 
tion of property alone where the Constitution 
placed it. Therefore, gentlemen must not say 
that the President not only means well, but 
they must excuse me in saying that he has' 
scted well. 

Mr. LO VEJO V. Will the gentleman permit 
me to say a word? 

Mr. WRIGHT. I would rather not be inter- 



feeling was one of sadness and sorrow — one of 
distrust for the existence of the Government — 
a question of life and death ; and if there was 
p lime since the establishment of the Republic 
when wise men should come together in coun- 
sel and the hearts of patriots should beat in 
unison, it was upon that very day when those 
resolutions were brought up; with two dissent- 
ing voices excepted, they received the unani- 
mous assent of the House of Representatives. 

Up to that point, then, there had been no 
change of policy in reference to the prosecu- 



ruptfcd. I have some connected thoughts on - tion of the war. Those resolutions embodied 







the principle af>uii ^Thilh iho war wa« ioauga- 
ratocl, lo wit: to put xluwti ri bvlliuii, mikI noi 
to luiuiuiiiit alaved, uitd tu Hel iheui luojtu upuii 
the cijiiiiuunily — four milliuiiH of itUteratf, and 
I may ulso Hi\y lialt-burljiirtiuH iMtupIt*. wiiliuat 
auy lutiuud ut'auppurt, leaving; tiiu (iovurnuivul 
to tukt' i-tiro ul tiu'tu, or tlie puuplu t<i ^uunl 
th)>inst'I\t'- u;,'diiiat llioir iiiruu(l«. Vetf, nir, 
the ailiiptiuii ol lh« priiicipli! conloudfJ for bv 
the L'eiiil.uaiii fruin Ohio (Mr. Ht.\<:UAM] 
woula luy v/hhUs tlui fair Stuto of Kfiilucky. 
ItA aJuptiun would Htriku froui thi) charter of 
our liberUfi MarylHnil aiul Wewturii Virginia, 
aiiil ihu Stale of Missouri. Why, then, will 
gCDtluuien coulvu<l for i-arryin/ ^^^it an idra 
which strikes at the homes and hcarthnloneH 
of as loyal men aa exist in the Union ibis very 
day? Let il bo iht; policy of the Goveriimfnt 
to carry out th<> Crillendt-u reHolutionH, and I 
firmly believe, Mr. Cbiiriuan, that the Union 
is aate; but if you make this a war of slave 
emancipation, as God is myjudt^e, I believe that 
the Government is irretrievably gone. This 
is no war fur slave emancip'Uion ; it is to put 
down rebellion and ue^-son ; to save a preal 
and mij^hl}' republic from overthrow and ruin. 

My venerable friend tro:a Kentucky [.Mr. 
Wu'KLIkkk] informs me that the resolutions I 
have roferred to pas.sed the Senate as well as 
th» House, if that be so, if they have passed 
both branches of the national Legislature, then 
Congress and the President h.ive acted in con- 
cert ai.d wiih great Gd>*lity of purpose. 

What will be the utlect, sir, it you change the 
policy of the war, aud make it a war of negro 
emancipation?' The six hundred thousand 
men in the field this day enlisted with the 
pledge of the Governmentihat they were brought 
into the field to Save the Union, by crushing 
out as unholy a rebellion as ever di.sgraeed the 
history of a nation. When the President is- 
sued his proclamation that the Government 
was in danger, aud called for troops to preserve 
it, all of the loyal Similes responded promptly. 
Change the policy ot this war at this lime, and, 
in my judgment, the effective force of that army 
would be weakened — indeed, it would be de- 
moralizt^'d if the war were made a war of enian- 
cipation. I venture to say thai there are hun- 
dreds and thousands, who compose the rank 
and file of th.it army, who would leave it just 
as soon as they were informed that its mission 
was not to put down rebellion, but to emanci- 
pate Hlaven. The great State of Pennsylvania, 
which I have the honor in part to represent, 
has sent more troops into the field than any 
other State. >he has far exceeded her quota. 
She has one hundred thousand men in the field. 
In our army of six hundred thousand men, 
every fourth man ia a Peaiisylvaiiian ; and o\ 
that one hundred thousand Pennsylvanians, I 
venture to say there are not three thousand 
who went inlo the field with any other impr«'s- 
eiou than that they were to carry out the prin- 
ciples of the President's proclamation, aud of 



ibu r«aolutioD«orCon{freM to which I have re- 
ferred. Why, ihfiii, depart from ihum 7 What 
good reaoon ih there for to doing / 

.Mr. I'uTTKll. L«t me a«k ih« g<ni1<'man 
fr>im I'enniiylvania a i|uvblion. I would lilteUi 
kuuw wh«lher the troops uho li>fl the liidd oa 
tliMday of the battle ol hull Kuti lifi under that 
•auie impression ? [Laughter J 

Mr. V.VLLANDIGIIAM. ihey were only 
in adraiieti of rtrtain members of CongreM. 
[ R<MifWi><l L'iuirlii«-r. I 

Mr. .MePHKUSUN. The Pennaylvaniaos 
shcjwed huw ihey uould do their duty at Praiiui- 
viU.-. 

Mr. WUItilJT. If any troops loft the field 
on the day of a battle i am not here to justify 
them. I do not stand here to be their apolo- 
gist. If they wwdt into the field it was their 
duty lo have remained there, and to have de 
fended the fia»r of the Republic. I say that 
the one hundred thousand men who are in 
arms to-day from the State of I'ennsylvania 
are as loyal to the Government and as brave 
men as are mustered into the United States 
8*!rvi'.-e I'rom any Slate ; and they have gone 
inlo this war lor the purpose o( waving the Union 
and the ConHtilutioo. It is the battles of the 
white man that they are enlisted to tight, and 
not ihe battles of the black man. They are for 
the principh^ ol Mr. Lincoln's proclamiuion and 
Criliendeu's resolutions. As I have said, I liad 
no part in the elevation of Mr. Lincoln lo the 
Executive chair. He was not my nominee ; he 
did not receive my vote. 1 had no hand in his 
elevation. I aaaert, however — and I speak it 
not only to the House but lo the world — that I 
believe Abraham Lincoln has a patriotic heart 
in his body; and as long as he pu.''sues the 
mea.sure8 he has introduced In reference to the 
management of this war, and the object which 
he gives for bringing men into the field. I am 
ready to stand by him and sustain him, be- 
cause, in doing that, I stand by the CoustitutioQ 
and ihe country. 

1 am one of those who think not only that be 
^'meiinn well," but that he acts well. He acted 
well wlien he issued his proclamation stating 
that his object was to put down the rebellion 
and to respect the rights ol property, lit- acted 
wi-11 when he reiterated the same principle iu 
his message at the meeting of this CoDgress. 
And I refer you to a clause in that message. 
He says: 

"I hovo. Ui*reftiro, in every tatte, Uiouf^bt It propor to 

ki~"i' il"' .'it'krii;' <'[ l)i<' r^i.t'ii proriiiuoiit, Hit Ule primorjr 
(>lj ' li-avlng the quo«'.l<>rj| 

n'.i rtouce tu the iiiurc <lc- 



hl" 



He says further : 



ii tluit the lncvitBbl<>oaa- 
na« toio a viuluot waA 



\\ (If II Atiraiiain Lincoln penned that para- 
graph he not only "meant well. ' but he wrote 
Wfli, and enunciated a principle and a senti- 
ment which he will be justified in before the 



American people. It should not be a "remorse- 
less revolutionary struo^gle." I say, sir, that 
Abraham Lincoln acted well when he sent sup- 
plies to Fort Sumter in the early part of this 
struggle, and I justify him in the act which he 
did then ; and, in fact, so far as regards the 
prosecution of the war and the object which 
brought it into existence, he has uniformly not 
only "meant well," 'but uniformly acted well. 
And that is the reason why he is receiving at 
this time the support of the conservative men of 
the nation everywhere. I do not, of course, in- 
clude that class of men who declare that the 
Constitution is a "league with death and a cov- 
enant with hell." If he received the approba- 
tion and countenance of men who adopt such 
heretical opinions, I could not myself be a sup- 
porter of Lincoln in this great and trying emer 
gency. Nor can gentlemen justify themselves 
by bringing before the country the frauds that 
have been practiced in the Departments of the 
Government, and attempt to make capital out 
of it, when a great prominent issue is before 
the countrv. Your constituencies will not stop 
to inquire how you have cast your votes in re- 
gard to frauds and speculations. You do not 
justify yourselves upon an issue of that kind. 
There is but one great abiding and powerful 
issue to-day, and that is the issue whether the 
country and the Constitution shall be saved, or 
whether it shall be utterly and entirely annihil- 
ated ? 

Gentlemen have gone so far — I do not stop 
to incpiire whether or not they are in this 
House — upon this question of negro slavery, 
that if the quesiion were put to them, whom 
•will you have delivered to you to-day? they 
would say, " Barabbas," the negro; crucify the 
white man. 1 do not make the charge against 
gentlemen upon this floor : but I say there are 
fanatics throughout the length and breadth of 
this land, who would adopt that as the cardinal 
and ruling idea of their lives. I would go far 
to protect the interest of the black man, but I 
have in ray mind an overwhelming sentiment 
and opinion which leads me first to stand by the 
Constitution and the country; knowins: that by 
standing by the Constitution and the country I 
not only protect the interests of twenty-five 
millions of white men, but also four millions of 
blacks. Gentlemen will not understand me as 
apologizing for slavery. Do not understand 
me that I would extend it one inch beyond the 
territory which it now occupies ; but that at the 
present time, and in the present emergency, I 
would go for that line of policy which would 
leave the confiscation of property to the great 
emergencies as they arise. You cannot lay 
down a rule for the cor.duct of your army in 
regard to this particular, unless you change the 
entire line of policy which was adopted in the 
inauj:uration of the war. I defy the House, 1 
defy the national Legislature, J defy the gen- 
erals in command, to lay down a line of policy 
that is to be pursued upon this question of 



slavery that shall mete out equal and exact jus- 
tice everywhere. Therefore, let the emergency 
of the occasion provide for itself. Let the 
Government furnish tnen ; let the Government 
furnish money ; let the Government commis- 
sion intelligent generals, and that is far enough 
to go in relation to policy. 

Suppose you adopt the policy of negro emaa- 
cipation, that slaves everywhere are to be eman- 
cipated, you weaken and paralyze the strong 
arm of the military power of the country; you 
do injustice to the loyal men in the country, in 
Missouri, in Kentucky, in Western Virginia, 
in Maryland ; because, although they are rep- 
resented upon this floor, and although they are 
loyal men, yet they still have that species of prop- 
erty which the Constitution says we shall protect 
them in. And so long as they are loyal men, 
I am one of those who are in favor, to the 
utmost, of protecting them in the enjoyment of 
their property. .Ind so the President of the 
United States said, when he sent out his proc- 
lamation calling men into service to defend the 
Government — not to emancipate slaves, and 
not to interfere in regard to the rights of prop- 
erty. All, therefore, that I have to ask of gen- 
tlemen who pursue extreme measures upon the 
other side of the House is to stand by the policy 
laid down by the Executive of the nation, a 
man whom they have put into power. And of 
those gentlemen and Representatives from the 
State of Pennsylvania — and they are numerous 
upon the other side of the Chamber — let me 
ask if they do not believe that Pennsylvania is 
not conservative to day ; that Pennsylvania is 
in favor of sustaining the Constitution to-day? 
The groat heart of Pennsylvania is beating 
to-day for the cause of the Union. There is 
with her no question of slavery ; it is a question 
of national existence, of life or death. I have 
no censure to cast upon my colleagues. I 
only appeal to them to stand by me upon the 
conservative principles that President Lincoln 
has laid down in regard to the manner of carry- 
ing on this war, and to stand by the prin- 
ciples upon which the war became an absolute 
necessity. 

Mr. KELLEY. I wish to ask the gentleman 
one question. 

Mr. WRIGHT. I cannot well refuse the re- 
quest. 

Mr. KELLEY. Do you believe that any one 
of the hundred thousand soldiers of Pennsyl- 
vania would prove false to his oath and loyalty 
if the result of this war would be to give to some 
poor mother the ownership of her own babe ; if 
its result should be 

Mr. DIVEN. Is this to be a speech? 

Mr. KELLEY. A single question only. 

Mr. BINGHAM. It is too late for the gentle- 
man from New York to object. 

Mr. KELLHY. A single question. If the 
effect of til is war 

Mr. DIVEN. I rise to a question of order. 



I am not ap«ftking of the 



throu(;h Coventry with to thi* bMtle of Rhrewi- 
burr. Sir, th« fontrnt in which w«« nr« nn^f^ 
to any in not for thi» i-levaiion of th«» \>\»i-k rmc*. 
It \n f»r the impiTi(ihiihl« prin<-ipt«» of libertj, 
of free (rov«»rniii»'iit, of thf ri;fhi "*" m»n to 
povcrn himnflf. Thiit i* «h« iipir 
on our army. It ia not thi» yrorrl! 
ihM look* (lown to thi- ' 
rice; it in to Hi-iiilr th- 
the liberty which ban 1. • .. 
by our f"'.th«'r« nhftll b<' p^rn 
iho Iftu'l, or wh<Mhi«r ohaoii i\i. . 
blot out the country tini\ the (iovcriim'-nt for- 
evi«r. That \h thi- ferlin^r anH the principle 
that brinfru today one hundred thousand men 
from the State of PennHvlvania into thii jfreal 



li 

I'liick 

!i<»ther 

to as 

ain in 

ri nhall 



Mr. WUKJin 
effi'ct of the war, 

Mr. KKLI.KY. Will the gentleman allow me 
to coiidudi- my queHtion? 

Mr. DiVKN. A qui-8tion of order? 

The V H A III M A N . I >o<« the gentlomnn from 
PenriHylviviiirt vi»Id to bin colleajjue ? 

Mr. WlUiilir. I ht.pu the 4.'ontloman will 
not PonMiuii" much of my lime. 

Mr. DIVKS. Will the Chair hear iho <iuc(i- 
tioo of order ? 

The CHAIRMAN. The Chair will. 

Mr. DIVKN. My point of onler iH, that 
when out* mfmberha.-t the lloor iiBsi>;iicd to him, 
he caiiiioi yield it to another for the purpose 
of miikititr a apeech. if obj«;ciion be made. 

Mr. KKMiKY. He yields to a single inquiry,! conflict. It \n a. conflict for ari imperitthabl.? 
and not to a Rpoech. I principle; it is a conflict for liberty; it is a 

The CHAIRMAN. The Cktiir decides that I conflict to pres»'rve those «aered colon thai 
the pentlemiiM can yield only tor an explona- 1 are Fusponded above the Speaker's chair in 
tion. or an innuiry. | the House of Commons of this land; it is a 

Mr. KKLLKV. 1 ask whether the penile- | conflict to pive a charnc'cr and a name to the 
TPan believes that the people of Pennsylvania I preat country we inhabit, and not to elevate 
will repudiate the war if one of it.s results be i the condition of the hla<'k man alone, 
to give sipnificaiice to the words, ;)ir<'/»', r//i,'(Z I Sir, I will go with that centleman, or any 
homt, Jamil;/, Ruii otjh^i/, to .some poor man , othiT jjentloman, to rotiliscate th«! property of 
whose" Saxoii fatbers spirit chafes under the | the rebel, wherever he may bf found ; but I do 
servitude th->ir durker skin entails upon ihera ? not want to lay down rules with regard to the 

Mr. WRIfiHT. I will inform my respected ' principle of confiscation. Let the hour provide 
colleague from Pennsylvania that the father, ' for itself. L-t the time and the occasion point 
mother, brother, sister, child of the white race ' out to the military commanders, or the execn- 
are a thousand times dearer to me than the live chief, the mode and manner in which that 
inferior caste of black men. . [Applause in the I ofajf^ct sh.ill b.» accomplished, 
galleries] j Mr. LOVE.IOY. Will the gentleman allow 

The CHAIRMAN. The Chair will say that ] me to ask him a question ? 
iflhereisany further interruption of the orderly I Mr. WRIGHT. I will agree to give that 
proceediiif^s of the House by the galleries, he gentleman an opportunity to do so now, but I 
will order them to be cleared. ' shall not yield the floor again for a like pur- 

Mr. RUUINSON. I hope they will be cleared ! poso. 
now. I Mr. LOVEJOY. I wish to ask the gentle- 

Mr. WRIGHT. I will also inform my worthy i man whether he recognises the right of a Gen- 
colleague from my own Stale that in preserving eral to adopt what rules of confiscation he deems 
the Constitution, in living up to the policy that best from time to time? 
inaugurated the war, upon the jtart of the Ad- ; Mr. BINGHAM. That is the question, 
minitttraliou and upon the part of the two! Mr. WRIGHT. I recognise the right of a 
Houses, he will find bis only guarantee that his commanding General to adopt what rule he 
wife and his child are to be secure in this great , deems expedient, .luhj^rt to a rerufinu htj thai 
hour of calamity. That hour ia upon us, and ' muservatire poxcfr that h to day Ux-aled in the 
it is our solemn duty to fake care of the Anglo- I IVhite Hoii*e, si that if any man .""hall play 
American race, and save it, if there be power j Fremont, we have a man there who has nerve 
and vitality left in the Government to do it. ■ enough to ijndo what be does, if wronc. 

I have a heart, I trust, as large and compre- Mr. LOVKJOY. Then I undersUnd. Mr. 
heubive with regard to the wants and neceisi- Chairman, thit the gentleman means fliat when 
ties of this interior race as my colleasue, but 1 a General is proslav-ry he believes his decrees 
the Antjlo Saxon race with nie is the tirst thing '. are right, but when anti slavery he believes they 
for my consideration. And let me sav, further, are wronjr- 

with regard to the appeal that brou-ht one Mr. WRIGHT. I will tell the gentleman 
hundred thousand men from the State of Penn 'what I mean. I mean that the President is, 
sylvania into the armv, that had they known ! by virtue of the Constitution, Commander-in- 
before the day of their enlistment that their Chief of the American armies, and if any of 
services were required to fiijht for emancipa his subordinates, as was the case with General 
tion, I venture to say that that army of one j Fremont, undertakes to change the ruleof pol- 
hundred thousand men would have been less j icy upon which the war was inan_'urated, he 
formidable than the contemptible company | has a right to countermand the orders of that 
of men that Falstaff was ashamed to march ' subordinate, and if he acts consenrauvely, he 



6 



18 entitled to the support of the nation, and will 
recpivo it. 

Mr. LOVEJOY. I do not object to that if 
the gentleman will r.dhere to it. I understand 
him to say that it must be left for the decision 
of the Generals. If the f^entleman is simply 
insisting that the President is the Commander- 
in-Chief, of course I do not object to that. But 
now, if the gentleman will be kind enough to 
bear with me a moment, I want to ask him 
whether he is opposed to the confiscation of 
rebel property, and if 

Mr. WRinilT. The gentleman must not 
ask me another question. I will answer the 
one he has propounded. I am not afraid at all 
to be catechised by the gentleman, even in the 
American Congress ; but I insist on my rights 
here. The gentleman asks me if I am in fa- 
vor of the confiscation of rebel property. Do 
I understand his question correctly? 

Mr. LOVEJOY. That is it in substance. 

Mr. WRIGHT. I answer that I am, unquali- 
fiedly. [Cries of " Good ! " and " All right ! "] 

Mr. LOVEJOY. I wish to ask the gentle- 
man one more question, and then I will not in- 
terrupt him fnrtlier. 

Mr. WRK^HT. No, sir; I cannot yield any 
further. Now. I will tell you why I am in fa- 
vor of the confiscation of rebel property. I am 
in favor of forfeiting all the property and effects 
that that man has who raises his arm for the 
destruction of this republican fabric that is dear 
to us all, whether it be slaves, oxen, horses, or 
anything else that his State may regard and 
recognis" as property. 

Mr. MOO RHEA D. That is enough. 

Mr. WRIGH '\ Yes, that is far enough to go. 

Mr. MOORLIEAD. That is right. 

Mr. WRIGHT. I am glad to hear my col- 
league from the Pittsburgh district indorse that 
sentiment. I have hopes from him in the dark 
hours that are to come upon us before this ses- 
sion closes. 

Mr. MOORHEAD. I will stand by the con- 
fiscation of thp slaves of rebels. 

Mr. Vv'RlGHT. Nov/, with regard to the for- 
feiture of that property, as I said before, it is a 
matter that must depend upon the emergencies 
of the occasi'in, and the General in command 
must use his discretion, subject, however, to re- 
vocation, if he acts in opposition to the views 
of the Commander in-Chief of the army and 
navy of the United States. There we agree, I 
have no doubt; but I do not believe that my 
colleague, nor do I believe that the conserva 
tive gentlemen upon the other side of the 
House will vote to lay down a principle as 
broad as the one conti^mplated in the speech 
cf the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Bingham,] 
and that was, if I understood it, the immediate, 
unconditional emancipation of four millions of 
slaves. 

Mr. BINGHAM. If the gentleman will al- 
low me, I will set him right. I suppose he iu- 
tenda mo no injustice. 



The CHAIRMAN, (Mr. Olin in the chair.) 
Does the gentleman from Pennsylvania yield 
the floor to the gentleman from Ohio ? 

Mr. WRIGHT. I do, sir ; he has a right to 
ask it. 

Mr. BINGHAM. I confined my proposition 
exclusively to slaves held by rebels, their aiders 
and abettors. 

Mr. WRIGHT. I know that the gentleman 
in his printed remarks 

Mr. BINGHAM. No, sir; in my spoken re- 



marks. 

Mr. WRIGHT, 
harm or inju><tice. 

Mr. BINGHAM. 

Mr. WRIGHT. 



I v.iU do the gentleman no 



Well. 
I know that the gentleman 
in his printed remarks — for I have read them 
carrfully — has it reported in that way, and I 
have no doubt that his speech was reported as 
it was uttered ; but I understood the gentleman 
in listening to him — and it excited me at the 
time — to say that he was in favor of the uncon- 
ditional emancipation of all the slaves in the 
United States. 

Mr. BINGHAM. If the gentleman will al- 
low me, 1 will say that I did not touch upon 
that question at all ; but I have no hesitation 
in saying for myself that, whenever my own 
judgment satisfies me that it is essential to the 
common defence to shiver every fetter that 
binds any man within the limits of the Repub- 
lic, the power is in this House, and ought to be 
exercised. 

Mr. WRIGHT: But the gentleman from 
Ohio must not blow his own brains out for the 
purpose of elimiualing and carrying out an 
idea. 

Mr. BINGHAM. Oh, no ; there is no trouble 
about my brains. 

Mr. WRIGHT. I have here the gentleman's 
reported speech, and I find that he did make 
use of this language: 

"Pass your law, procluim it at tlio head of your army, 
execute it saiuniarily by allowing these uuwilliug supporters 
of the rebcUiou to escape from their masters througli your 
lilies, and receive your protection in return lor their loyalty; 
and these children of oppression will make such an exodus 
frnrn the house of their bondage as the world has not seen 
since that exodus of God's people which the dark-eyed 
daughters of Israel celebrated in tliat sublime song: 

" 'The Lord hath triumjihed gloriously; the horse and his 
rider hath he thrown into the sea.' " 

Let me say to the gentleman that I fear that 
the music which should go at the head of that 
exodus had better be the requiem in the "Dead 
March of Saul " than that song which the dark- 
eyed daughters of Israel sang on the banks of 
the Red Sea. W^here- would you march that 
army of four millions of slaves? Would you 
march them to Ohio, or to the State of Penn- 
sylvania, or to the State of New York? No, 
sir; the gentleman from Ohio would be as much 
opposed to that as any man, perhaps, on this 
floor who has a due regard tor his State sover- 
eignty. What would he do with them ? Would 
he drive them into the sea? Would he let 
them perish from want and starvation? 



f 

M Mr. niXOriAM. Will the gentleman allow 

^Liiio to imk him a oueMtiuii? 
^ Mr. WKIOHT. (Certainly. 

Mr. IilN(jlI.\M. DovH tl»«« eentleman menu 
that aiiv pcr.suii, Kurii wiihin tne limits of the 
R ; ' ' ' ■ ' ' . . ; no liiw. 

Cii ur from 

ail) 1 1 ■- I I)...--. I ..• (fiMillv- 

man umliTtnk" • iuTe, in lh« fncu ol' 

the }>ri>viHi"ii m :. ition, thai pcrrtoim 

born within ilw \\iu-.\\ <i( ihc Uopublic, oC 
partMit.t who uro ii^t ihx nubjciU of any oth«?r 
BOV»rei^nt/, are n»liv«< bom citizens, wheih« r 
they be black or whlKs? Tht>ro ia not a l«'Xi 
book referre<i to in any court which doea not 
recOi;nisi> thu principle that I aaaert. I do not 
stand hero to cavil with nicn who are not rpa<i 
in the hornbookii uf thn law i but I assert th:il 
erery man born wiihin tho limits of the Ri'pub 
lie, or under iti ling ut sea, of parents who wen- 
not the .subjpcLH of any other sovfreipnty, iire, 
in the very words ol the Constitution, native- 
born citizens; and I want to know whence 
comes the puwcr which the ^jentleman speaks 
of. to drive them from the l'4ndx>f their nativity, 
are not what their color? 
Mr. WKRillT. Let tho gentleman keep 
cool, and I will answer his proposition. Uc re- 
fers me to a clause in the Constitution. For 
his edification I will read it: I 

-Til.' ' ii^ti* of oacU Stitlo sluill b« oiiUtlol In all th'> | 
privilcg -a iiiij itumiiiilticii of cll-i.-im of itio sovoral Slut. ■» ," 

It 18 the " citiaenc of each State " who are 
entitled to these privile/ea and immunities. 

Mr. B1MG1I.\M. Pray, sir, who are the citi- 
zens of the States? 

Mr. WRKillT. I will tell the gentleman who ' 
are citizens. Each State, not having yielled ' 
the power of declaring? citizenship in the Con 
stitution of the United States, reserved it to 
herself; and Fennsylrania has not only decided 
through her courts, but has adopted it as a car ; 
dinal principle in her Constitution, that black 
men are not citizens. 

Mr. BINGHAM. Will the gentleman allow 
mc to inquire 

Mr. WKlGIir. I cannot yield any further. 
The gentleman from Ohio is a learned man. 
He comes hero with the reputation of being an 
eminent lawyer; and I ask him whether he ts 
not aware that five of the Northwestern StatP" 
have adapted constitutional provisions prohib* 
iting black people from coming into their terri- 
tory? 

Mr. BINGHAM. There is no such provision ' 
in the Constitution of my State. [ 

Mr, WRIGHT. I did not say it was in the 
Constitution of your State, but that it was in ' 
the Constitution of 6ve of the Northwestern i 
Sutes. I 

Mr. BINGHAM. I ask the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania to let me make an inquiry of him 
for inform>\tion. ■. 

Mr. WRIGHT. CerUinly. i 



Mr. BINGHAM. What Rtat«s doea the geo- 
ill-man refer to? 

I hope be doet not meaa 



I refer to Indiana, IIHooii, 



Mr. ALDRICH. 

Miniie«4)ta. 

Mr. WRIGHT. 
Ohio, I 

.Mr. II. That is only four. 

Mr. ■. >..!■. KNK. It is not %o in Iowa. 

Mr. WRKiHT. That in enou^rh to ralabltsh 
the priiK i)il» I am contviiding lur. 

Mr. WASHBl'KNK. It ia not fnongb to M- 
tablixh the nurnhnr. 

Mr. WRIGHT. Now, although the gentle- 
man from Dhio may ri-gnrd tne as a ndvice in 
law, I will tell him that I have been Ktriving 
honestly for thirty ywars t'J ifltaiM a knowledge 
of the legal profi-Msion, and ho will pardon me, 
I hope, in the a.Hs«rtioii that I have durinff that 
lime learned a f ' ' ! studied 

!»omewhiit the V ,n. 

Mr. bINGHA.M. .. ... .... ^. .. .. .«an yield 

to mo for an inquiry? 

Mr. W RIG HI'. I cannot yield any more to 
the gentleman. If I ask him a question he will 
have a right to reply to it. Now, the Constitu* 
lion which every member of this House baa 
sworn to support and maintain, and which it 
.should be our aim and object to live up to, con- 
tains the provision that the citizens of each 
.Su\te shall be entitle>l in all privile;;ei and im- 
munities. If this (ie^raded c'.asi of people 
called slaves are citizens, then I concede to the 
jft-nlleman from Ohio that no .'«tate has aright 
to pass a law prohibiting their nii;;ration into 
It. But let me say to the gentleiDan, that if 
his army of four millions of slaves were to com- 
mence their march into Ohio and Pennsylvania, 
it would be worse upon those Stat.s than the 
pla>;ues of Egypt. Tb^^y would devour and eat 
out the substance of the people. Not only 
would that evil come to pass, but the effect of 
It would also be to destroy the blacks theiu selves 
ind annihilate all their power fur good. 

Therefore I lay it down as the only safe, pru- 
dent, and constitutional rule, to allow the great 
mergencies of the occasion to provide for them- 
selves, subject to revision by tho Commander- 
in Chief of the American army, anl such aid as 
the American Congress may aflurd him. If 
those gentlemen who want to carry out this ultra 
i><»licy will but stand by .\braham Lincoln, as 
the conservative men of this body will stand by 
him, six months shall not pass away before the 
rebellion is dead, the national flag restored to 
its position, and the national glory and renown 
again vindicated. From the commencement of 
ihis session of Congress I have been of the 
opinion that, sooner or later, tl ■ i'ive 

members of it would put ihoir h ' or, 

•vnd work shoulder t" ' •- reat 

ause of the country. uve 

I he great pleasure oil. . . rum 

Ohio [Mr. Binoham] ■ banded 

'jr tho protection of t' ; and not 

for the emancipatioQ of slavery, it is not for me 



■'f 



8 



{ 



now to say. I do not wish to indulge in unkind 
remarks, because liberty of speech is guaran- 
tied to us by the fundamental law of the land. 
Members have a righi to express their views 
on this question of slavery. 1 would not abridge 
that right, but I would hold them accountable 
for the line of policy which they pursue that is 
calculated to destroy the public confidence, to 
paralyze the army, or to throw an obstacle in 
the way of its advance forward. 

Mr. Chairman, the great and momentous oc- 
casion that visits us to-day is one which I can 
hardly realize. It is hard to realize that of the 
thirty millions who but a few short months ago 
comprised a happy people, nearly one million 
should to-day be arrayed in deadly hostility 
against each other. But that fact exists. It 
is on us to-day. \Ye know it. And while these 
two great armies are in the field, contending in 
deadly strife — one thjrt the Constitution shall 
stand and the Government be preserved, and 
the other, that the Government shall be de- 
stroyed — why shall not patriotic men on that 
manly issue meet the great question and dis- 
pose of it? Why not confine ourselves to the 
legitimate issues of the war — to save the white 
race — and not adopt the other alternative, which 
is to destroy it — destroy the great principle of 
self-government, and ail for the elevation of the 
black race? I would not object to his eleva- 
tion ; but I prefer Union with slavery to no 
Union M-ithout it ; and if the Government must 
fall iu the wild attempts to minister to his im- 
aginary wants, it is our duty to ourselves, our 
families, our country, to abandon a theory that 
cannot be accomplished. Sir, let the Govern- 
ment of our fathers, with its compromises and 
its virtues, star. J as the chief thing in our affec- 
tions, and its preservation be the gre?.t object 
of our hopes. 



Mr. Chairman, these fanatics have just as 
much interest in the preservation of this coun- 
try as we have. They may suppose that, by 
advocating universal emancipation, they will 
best accomplish a prosperous result. But upon 
this question of expediency I differ with them 
widely. Change the policy of the war, and you 
have left no principle upon which the nation 
can rely in this hour of need. Change the pol- 
icy of the war, divert it from the cardinal point 
which brought it into existence, and we are 
hopelessly gone, and gone forever. Nor do I 
wish to survive the time when this country is 
broken up and destroyed. I do not want to see 
two confederacies upon this land. There is not 
room enough in this broad land to contain two 
confederacies. One flag, one Constitution, one 
common destiny, is what we all should ask, i^. 
what we all ought to pray lor, is what we all' 
ought to move heaven and earth to accomplish, 
in the hour of danger and of trouble which is 
suspended like a black pall over us. 

Adopt the principle for which the gentleman 
from Ohio contends, and you drive your brave 
men from the army, destroy their courage, 
weaken their zeal, and intimidate their valor. 
Do that, and you will either have no country at 
all, or you will have in existence two confeder- 
acies, between which there will be a war of ex- 
termination for all time, in the great future. I 
am in favor of settling that great priucip)le now. 
I am in favor of deciding the question at once. 
Let us decide it legitimately and properly, as it 
ought to be decided — upon that broad and ele- 
vated position that freemen know and can ap- 
preciate those imperishable gifts which are the 
common inheritance of us all, and which we 
should guard and protect with our life, our lib- 
erty, and our honor. 



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